Weekly column for The New Daily.
Weekly column for The New Daily.
Much has been made of comments by Tony Abbott’s enabler, Peta Credlin, on Andrew Bolt’s show last night, particularly her attribution of a damning assessment of Malcolm Turnbull to one of his “cabinet colleagues”.
Credlin’s claim has been quoted in today’s Daily Telegraph, which I’ve reproduced below:
“(The weekend’s comments) reinforced this question mark people have always had over the Prime Minister that it’s not about the Liberal Party, it’s not about conservative values, it’s actually about Malcolm, and as one of his cabinet colleagues said to me today, and this is extraordinary, he said; ‘This is the guy that knifed Peter King to get the seat, knifed Brendan (Nelson) to become leader, knifed Tony Abbott to become Prime Minister, and the next knife’s obviously coming the Liberal Party’s way,’ and I thought if colleagues are prepared to say that sort of stuff now, I’m not a journalist, I’m a former staffer, so they know me well, but that’s a pretty extraordinary comment to come from a cabinet colleague,” Ms Credlin said.
Almost 12 hours earlier another Abbott-enabler and Credlin’s co-host at Sky News, Alan Jones, uttered the same phrase, almost verbatim.
“Let me just make a point here – the elephant in the room – but no-one’s prepared to say this but I am because I’m sick to death of the stuff that I read. And Tony Abbott won’t say it. Peta Credlin half alluded to it. From the moment Abbott became prime minister of this country Malcolm Turnbull was white-anting him at every turn. Malcolm Turnbull knifed Peter King in the back to win the seat of Wentworth. He knifed Brendan Nelson in the back to win the leadership of the Liberal Party. He knifed Abbott in the back to become to prime minister. And that has to be the starting point of any discussion about the mess that we’re in.
The similarity is uncanny.
Did the anonymous cabinet colleague simply parrot the Jones line to Credlin, or did he make the same comment to Jones first?
Or is Jones actually Credlin’s “cabinet” source, with the two having concocted the line to drive a wedge between conservative cabinet members and Turnbull?
For it’s hard to see which Liberal cabinet minister would make such a comment, given they (Cormann, Dutton, Porter and Frydenberg) have been publicly defensive of Turnbull in recent months. The only other conservatives in cabinet are Nationals, but even then it is difficult to see any of them giving Credlin this type of ammunition.
Even so, it’s fair to say the Turnbull camp will now be looking askance at the former Abbott supporters in cabinet, which is what Abbott needs to cleave the conservatives away from his successor.
Turnbull is playing the long game. Occasional post for SBS comment & analysis.
I saw a forlorn tweet the other day, saying “we found Jill Meagher, now let’s find …..” using the name of another missing person.
Occasional retweets of the plea bobbed like flotsam in my timeline for a while, then became lost in a torrent of condemnation over Alan Jones’ appalling comments about the Prime Minister’s father.
Like many others that weekend, I joined the campaign to make Jones feel the material consequences of his derogatory remarks. I was heartened to see so many people rouse themselves above the level of petition-whore slacktivist and actively contact 2GB advertisers by phone, email, Twitter and Facebook. It was a striking example of genuine People Power, a sharp-edged reminder that — when provoked — public sentiment can transform from slumbering shaggy dog to noble protector or slavering jag-toothed beast in the click of a news cycle.
At the same time, I felt ashamed that we weren’t rallying for the person who asked Twitter to help locate just one more of the 35,000 people reported missing in Australia every year: just one of the loved ones reported missing every 15 minutes.
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Post script: Hard won lessons from ‘the Alan Jones’ incident
On two recent occasions I’ve actively supported the limitation of someone’s freedom of speech. I joined the campaign to shame advertisers on Alan Jones’ radio program to withdraw their support. And I rallied people on Twitter to lodge complaints against a pro-ana Facebook page.
Initially, neither action sat particularly comfortably with me. While I’m not libertarian, I’m not a fan of censorship either. I value my right to say pretty much whatever I want about whatever I choose. And I exercise that right on a regular basis.
But I’ve begun to wonder why most debate about freedom of expression pivots on an all-or-nothing basis? Why does the proscription of certain verbal behaviours always elicit cries of censorship rather than endorsement of protection? And why is it assumed that if we as a society insist that certain types of speech are unacceptable, we will revert overnight to a totalitarian state in which nobody has the freedom to say anything?
Surely there’s a balance between free and societally-acceptable speech? Shouldn’t this be the goal in a free and democratic nation: the right to speak, to be heard and to be protected from harm?
Why should the right to speak include the right to ridicule, humiliate, or offend? Or in the case of the pro-ana page, the right to promote self-harm?
Why is the libertarian ideal of unfettered free speech always proffered as defense against harmful language? Australians don’t actually have the same constitutional right to freedom of speech that Americans have. It is not spelt out in our constitution, although legal rulings have interpreted it to mean that Australians have a right to free political speech.
Even so, most public discourse in Australia operates as if we have, or should have, unfettered free speech.
We have defamation, racial vilification and cyber-bullying laws to protect people from the most harmful types of expression. These laws are legal manifestations of the boundaries considered particularly important by society; acceptability thresholds built on qualities that we value such as common decency, tolerance, respect and compassion.
There are regular instances of society’s willingness to patrol those boundaries, with recent notable examples including the community backlash against those who said they hoped a child would get laid at the Logies; that an alleged murder victim should have known better than to walk home drunk in the middle of the night; and that the Prime Minister’s father died in shame of her.
Clearly, the community sees a role for itself in policing free speech.
And why shouldn’t it? Isn’t it something that we do every day? Do we allow our teenage son the freedom to call his grandfather an old cunt? Do we respect the right of a team-mate to ridicule another’s mental health by calling them psycho? Do we celebrate democracy when our sister is called a slut for what she wears or our friend is told to hang himself because he’s gay?
No, we demand that free speech be exercised in a responsible manner.
Perhaps the notion of free speech is similar to that of a free market. It’s hardly a coincidence that both are celebrated libertarian ideals. While great in theory, a free market is Darwinian in nature – only the fittest, in terms of competitiveness, will survive. Those exercising their right to be competitive in an unfettered free market can be harmful to others – either through reduced wages and conditions, cutting corners on safety and quality considerations, or through price gouging or collusion when fierce competition produces monopolies or duopolies.
Because of this, governments put protections in place to prevent harm to the community from overzealous free market operations. Not only do we as society accept it, we demand such protection.
Perhaps we should look at unfettered free speech the same way: a potentially harmful ideal that needs protective mechanisms built in.
I’m not advocating more laws to provide this protection: more a broad public acceptance that free speech is not an unassailable right that must be defended at all costs. Political free speech is another matter altogether, and I agree it is one of democracy’s foundation stones.
However, despite what the libertarians say, Australia will not slip into a totalitarian regime if you tell your son to be polite to his grandfather, your team-mate that it’s cruel to mock mental health issues, or assertively explain that slut-shaming and bigotry are unacceptable.
Freedom of speech must go hand in hand with freedom from harm caused by speech.
I know this isn’t a clear-cut issue and I honestly don’t know where the boundaries are. There are times when I find profane language to be quite beautiful. There are other times when polite language can be utterly offensive.
Then again, it’s not really what is offensive or shocking that is the problem, in my view, but what is harmful. It would be a challenge nevertheless to draw a distinction between language that mocks or ridicules with that which denigrates or abuses.
For me, the measuring stick is nevertheless composed of the qualities that society values: common decency, tolerance, respect and compassion. Or perhaps more succinctly: by treating others as you would have your loved ones treated by them.